Israel's Political Vacuum

View from a booth, motzei shabbat:

This is exactly as I wrote last week. There is nobody in the political class to take over from the petty criminals and men in the Israeli government who think with the wrong head. Born out of chaos and violence, Israel is going to have to pull another rabbit out the hat this time, too. Hassenpfeffer, anyone?

Randy Shiner

Israel's Political Vacuum
The nation is looking for a leader and an agenda. It can't seem to find either.

By Shmuel RosnerPosted Friday, Aug. 1, 2008, at 2:35 PM ET

To the American spectator, the parallels with Israel seem obvious. The departing leader is unpopular and scarred by an unsuccessful war. For the time being, the focus is on the primaries in which two candidates are vying for the leadership of the Kadima Party. One is a woman, Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni. The other is the "dark-skinned candidate," Transportation Minister and former Defense Minister and military chief of staff Shaul Mofaz, a member of the Sephardic Jewish diaspora, none of whose members has ever been prime minister.

But Livni is no Hillary Clinton—she's the more dovish of the two candidates, and she would not be Israel's first woman prime minister; Golda Meir played that role almost 40 years ago. And Mofaz is no Barack Obama. He has a lot of experience, is more hawkish, and the group of Sephardic Jews he belongs to—Mofaz was born in Iran—is not a minority in Israel. Still, this political fight will be all about the rules of the Kadima primary: Livni is more popular with the general public, but Mofaz has the edge when it comes to mastering the game of political deal-making. When one of them wins the primaries in September, he or she will have the opportunity to form a coalition without elections—but most Israelis assume such a coalition couldn't survive for long. As tired as they might be, Israelis want elections. They want to reshuffle the cards yet again.

There's a problem, though: The candidates—from the other parties as well as Kadima—aren't all that promising. Defense Minister Ehud Barak, the leader of the Labor Party, was prime minister in the late '90s and has never managed to recover his popularity with the public. Likud's hawkish leader, Benjamin Netanyahu, was prime minister before Barak. Netanyahu is currently ahead in the polls, but half the country seems to shudder whenever his name comes up. Both Barak and Netanyahu were kicked out of office by unhappy voters way before their terms were scheduled to expire.

The early departure of Ehud Olmert—a result of his mounting political and legal troubles—is another sign of Israel's leadership crisis, which I wrote about at the end of 2005, when his predecessor, Ariel Sharon, collapsed. The younger generation of leaders, "first Netanyahu and then … Ehud Barak were so disappointing, such juvenile prime ministers, that they sent Israeli voters rushing back to older, more experienced leaders—the men who were already there when the state of Israel was born"—men like Sharon. But after Sharon's collapse, "when the shift to a younger generation is no longer a luxury, it's not … clear where the leaders will come from."

Olmert was the accidental successor who just happened to be there when Sharon slipped off stage. Olmert inspired no awe—but whoever succeeds him will have the same problem. Livni, Mofaz, Netanyahu, Barak—none will have the benefit of personal dominance; all will find it difficult to win over voters. One of them will become prime minister—but only because the country has to have someone playing that role. Lacking the aura of natural authority, whoever is elected will have to find an achievable agenda in order to survive. Olmert supposedly had one when he was elected: He promised to continue Israel's withdrawal from the occupied territories.

A worthy cause, but there was one problem: It was a goal out of tune with reality. The conditions for an agreement with the Palestinian Authority, or the Syrians for that matter, were not in place. Olmert kept trying, but Israelis looked on with dismay. They thought, perhaps rightly, that the prime minister was playing politics, that his talks with the Arabs were aimed at diverting attention from the failed war he launched and from his own legal problems.

But the agenda Olmert's potential successors represent does not make voters confident. Arguably, there's close to a consensus about the solutions (or lack thereof) for the problems Israel now faces and very little difference among them: All will continue peace talks, but none believes that talks can lead to a lasting solution; all will emphasize the challenge posed to the region by Iran; all will struggle with the apparently unsolvable problem of Hamas' rule in Gaza; all understand that the international community failed to follow through and contain the power of Hezbollah in Lebanon. Rhetorical differences aside, all four candidates will take Israel in approximately the same direction—or will be dragged to similar conclusions by the conditions on the ground.Returning to the Democratic primary parallel, the Israeli election will be more about personality than agenda. That's ironic, since a dominant personality is what Israelis are having trouble finding.

Shmuel Rosner blogs daily at Rosner's Domain.

Korach: The Corruption of a Judge

View from the booth, coffee more steadily held now. The following should not, obviously, be limited to Judges. This is the story of how governments come to cease to be. Differentiate if you can the notion of the State of Israel, and Am Yisroel.

Randy Shiner



Korach: The Corruption of a Judge

What makes a judge dishonest? What are the cognitive steps in the corruption of a leader? The Torah legislates support for the judges and teachers of Israel - the kohanim and Levites - through an array of tithes and gifts. This support gives them a degree of financial independence, and should make them less susceptible to bribes and moneyed interests.

Biblical Scandal

Not every leader, however, succeeds in maintaining the standards of integrity called for by their public office. The Torah notes that Samuel's sons did not follow in their father's path, but "went after gain, took bribes and perverted justice" [I Sam. 8:3]. What brought about this judicial scandal? The Talmud offers several interpretations for the failings of Samuel's sons.

At first glance, this appears to be simply a litany of types of graft and abuse of power. Rav Kook however noted that there is a pattern to these statements. A careful reading indicates that they describe a succession of increasingly serious offenses.

The Sages were not so much disagreeing about the facts in the case of Samuel's sons, but rather mapped out the moral descent of a leader, step by step, into the morass of deceit and corruption. Here are the various opinions, as quoted in Shabbat 56a: According to Rabbi Yonatan, Samuel's sons did not truly sin. Rather, they failed to follow the righteous ways of their father. Samuel would travel all around the country to judge the people. His sons, on the other hand, stayed in their own place, "to increase the fees of their clerks and scribes." "Rabbi Meir said: they would openly demand their salaries. Rabbi Yehudah said: they compelled private individuals to conduct their business affairs. Rabbi Akiva said: they would forcibly take an extra measure of tithes. And Rabbi Yossi said: they took gifts by force."

What is the significance of all these opinions? Let us follow the descent of the crooked politician, as he slides into the cesspool of graft and corruption. Down-to-Earth Leadership We can learn a lot about public service from Samuel. The text praises him for traveling around the country and judging the people in their towns [I Sam. 7:16]. Why was this so significant? A true leader will consider himself to be literally a servant of the public. His dedication to the community is reflected in his sensitivity and understanding of their problems. He governs and advises them, not according to his own views, but as if he has descended to their place. This is the significance of Samuel's custom of judging the people in their towns. Samuel was able to identify with their needs so that his rulings were appropriate and his guidance effective. This type of leader governs by connecting with the people directly. He does not need the trappings of officialdom, nor must he surround himself with layers of bureaucrats and government officials. Samuel's sons, however, failed to attain this level of leadership. They judged the people without leaving their location and state of mind. In their eyes, they adjudicated justly. And they required the assistance of a system of salaried clerks and scribes. As Rabbi Yonatan noted, this was not really a sin, but it certainly falls short of the exemplary leadership of Samuel.

1. Just a Job

The other scholars felt that Samuel's sons were in fact guilty of graft, and they described the various steps down the path of political corruption. Like all moral failings, abuse of authority comes in stages. Its danger and severity is magnified, however, according to the power and influence of the position. The first failing may appear to be insignificant, but it is indicative of a problematic attitude that is the root cause of more serious abuse. A community leader, and especially a spiritual leader, should recognize that public service is a great privilege. This recognition should be powerful enough to make one willing to forgo financial remuneration. A true leader may be so honored with his mission that he even feels that it is improper to accept payment for this work. Rabbi Meir thus discerned the fault of Samuel's sons as "openly demanding their salaries." They failed to sense the importance of their public service. By demanding payment, they showed that they viewed their work as a job like any other, not a sacred calling that is its own reward.

2. Using Others

From this point it is but a small step to actual abuse of power. Once a leader fails to see the idealism in his position, he will begin to look upon it as a burden. He will then have no scruples about burdening others with his own personal needs and affairs. Since I take care of their needs, he reasons, they should take care of mine. This is the stage identified by Rabbi Yehudah: "They compelled private individuals to conduct their business affairs."

3. Grabbing For More

From here it is another small step to the next level of corruption - both in quality and quantity. It is axiomatic, Rav Kook noted, that a person who fails to live up to the moral demands of his position will end up sinking even lower than the common level of ethical behavior. Leading and judging should be an inspiring vocation. A leader should feel that he is helping build a better world; in the words of the Talmud [Shabbat 10a], he becomes 'God's partner in creation.' But defective character traits together with a failure to feel privileged in his public work will cloud his sense of propriety and justice. Instead of values based on an inner sense of justice, his value system becomes relegated to superficial honors. His lack of integrity is expressed quantitatively - he will "take an extra portion of tithes" - as well as qualitatively - he will obtain it by force.

4. Legal in Name Alone

As long as he retains some semblance of morality, such a leader will not try to seize that which he has no claim over. But his dishonesty may lead to the lowest level, a state where justice and propriety are merely empty shells, high-minded words without any inner content. He views the justice system as simply a means of ensuring social order, completely detached from any heartfelt demands for ethical behavior. This is the level described by Rabbi Yossi: "They took gifts by force." If they were taken by force, how can they be called 'gifts'? This is a form of legal manipulation that is legal in name only. He may call them 'gifts' or 'contributions,' but in fact they were taken forcibly. The name only serves to silence what little is left of his inner integrity, crying out against his deeds of theft and graft, so that he may justify his crimes to himself. These are the steps in the fall of a judge corrupted by the lure of financial gain - a leader who should have been organizing society according to the foundations of justice and morality. "Righteousness and justice are the foundation of His throne" [Psalms 97:2]. [Adapted from Ein Ayah vol. IV pp. 52-54]

U.S. Jewish aid filling [Israeli Government] void in Sderot

U.S. Jewish aid filling void in Sderot
Jacob Berkman

As residents of the embattled town of Sderot say they have been abandoned by the Israeli government, the United Jewish Communities and Jewish federations in the United States have stepped in to fill the void. But this source of support could be drying up.

Published: 06/17/2008


SDEROT, Israel (JTA) -- For the past several years, Geut Argon has spent little time on the second floor of her home here in southern Israel.

With Palestinian militants in the nearby Gaza Strip regularly aiming Kassam rockets at random targets in this poor, working-class town, it just seemed too dangerous, she says in a recent interview at the Sderot Community Center.

But one afternoon about eight months ago, her son Nir, 4, and his 5-year-old friend Lior begged her to let them go upstairs to see something on the family’s computer. She relented.

Before Argon dropped off Nir and Lior at the computer, Nir headed toward the bathroom. A rocket came crashing through the roof.

“There was just one big boom and then I don’t remember,” she said.

Argon, 35, was knocked unconscious temporarily. She still recalls the horror of the moments after she came to, frantically scrambling through the rubble to find the two children. It wasn’t until she located them, relatively unscathed, that it became clear she was the one who had been wounded.

"Mommy, Mommy. Blood!" Nir screamed.

The gash in Argon's head would require several surgeries to remove shrapnel embedded in her brain.

Argon is one of the thousands of residents in Sderot and the surrounding towns on the Gaza-Israel border who has received some form of relief from the network of North American Jewish federations and the United Jewish Communities over the past year and a half.

The UJC has doled out some $26 million to its overseas partners, the Jewish Agency for Israel and the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, for programs in Sderot. And though it has received some resistance from local federations of late, the UJC hopes to give slightly more than $10 million in additional aid in the coming months.

Argon has received psychological counseling though UJC-funded programming. The Jewish Agency has provided approximately $1,300 through its SOS Fund for short-term relief, but she is waiting to receive money from the Israeli government to fix her house. The Jewish Agency later gave her about $8,000 from its Victims of Terror Fund.

Since April 2001, Palestinian militants have fired an estimated 4,000 rockets and mortar shells at Sderot and the areas near the Gaza border.

The situation has worsened in the past two years, according to Israeli military officials. Nearly 2,900 attacks have come since Israel withdrew from Gaza in August 2005. Some 1,400 have come since Hamas took political control of Gaza in June 2007.

Sixteen Israelis have been killed in the Sderot region since the attacks began.

The Palestinians have increased their firepower, largely with the help of Iran, military specialists say. They have improved the range of their Kassam missiles, started to use 122 mm mortar shells and begun to employ Grad missiles that can reach Ashkelon and perhaps beyond.

As the attacks have increased, the population of Sderot -- mostly new immigrants from the former Soviet Union and Arab lands -- has dwindled. Although there is no definitive figure on the number of residents that have departed, estimates range from 25 percent to nearly 50 percent in a region that once had a population of 24,000.

Most of those who had the financial means have left, according to municipal officials, social service workers and residents. The majority of those who remain are either idealists or could not afford to leave.

Elsewhere in the world, Israeli and American Jewish philanthropy has focused on removing Jews from endangered areas. But for Israel, the flight from Sderot is troubling -- both militarily, as the country's border could essentially be pushed back, and for national morale, as Israelis see themselves fleeing.

Most of the UJC allocations to the Sderot region have gone to helping the residents endure, giving them respite and offering incentives to others to move to the embattled area. The federation system has allocated some $2.9 million in scholarships for Sapir College in Sderot and more then $5 million to take children in Sderot and Ashkelon out of harm's way for summer camp.

In sharp contrast to the UJC's funding strategy up north, where it has directed about $35 million to economic development, less than $1 million of the funds from the federation system has been spent that way in the Sderot area. Lodge said that's because most of the economic development funding up north was in the form of loan guarantees issued after the conflict with Hezbollah. Such measures, he added, are seen by the UJC as a poor investment during a time of active conflict like the one plaguing Sderot.

The UJC has spent more than $2 million on programs to treat trauma and stress among Sderot residents, as well to promote “resiliency" in coping with the constant threat of rockets. The rate of post-traumatic stress disorder is high among the residents.

The JDC has helped seven of Sderot’s eight elementary schools build “havens of calm,” fortified rooms where students come for alternative therapy sessions in managing their stress. Yoga and pet therapy are among the approaches incorporated into the sessions.

Until recently, aid coming into the region has been slow, especially from the government. Much of the assistance in Sderot from the UJC's partners thus far has come from the $360 million raised by the North American federations to rebuild Israel's north in the aftermath of the 2006 war with Hezbollah.

Other than the One Family Fund, which has been helping the people of Sderot since 2004 -- it has given more than $1 million in the past year alone -- the situation garnered little attention from Israeli society and nonprofits, according to Pini Rabinovich, the coordinator for the organization's activities in the Jerusalem area and southern Israel.

Sderot's plight also has been largely ignored by the Israeli public, and the town's story has been misplayed -- and in some cases flat-out missed -- by the Israeli media, according to Tal Samuel-Azran, a media specialist at Ben Gurion University.

It's a turn of events that has frustrated Sderot residents like Argon. Much of the frustration is with the Israeli government, which has provided tax cuts to the region's residents but has left a void that private organizations such as the UJC have increasingly had to fill.

Argon estimates that the Kassam that hit her house caused $30,000 in damages. The UJC and Jewish Agency assistance was needed because “the government doesn’t want to pay for it."

“The government? They keep forgetting them, otherwise why do you need so many organizations?” Rabinovich asked at the Sderot center, where the organization’s founder, Mark Belzberg, was distributing books and toys to area children.

When asked about such complaints, the Israeli Consulate in New York noted that the Israeli government has spent about $172 million since 2003 in civilian assistance to residents of Sderot and the western Negev.

“These figures include direct assistance by means of 50% reductions in property tax, 25% reductions of income tax, the highest subsidies for daycare centers, and scholarships for students, among others,” the consulate said in a statement. “The unemployment rate in Sderot is one of the lowest in the country due to government incentives given to investors and entrepreneurs. These figures also includes aid on a regional level by means of upgrading industrial areas; preference for defense ministry contracts; funding communities' security expenses; aid for agriculture, new immigrants, and large families; investments in neighborhood refurbishment, infrastructure, sewage, roads, and water systems; funding cultural events, increasing school hours, new ambulances, treating psychological trauma, creating new employment opportunities, and many other projects.”

At the same time that residents bemoan what they see as their government's failures, those on the ground see a new momentum in Sderot-related philanthropy.

“Now it is very popular, it is in,” Rabinovich told JTA.

Argon, for instance, receives aid from four organizations: the UJC, the Jewish Agency, the One Family Fund and another called Chibbuk.

Nachman Shai, the senior vice president of the UJC and director general of UJC Israel, says the Jewish community is starting to recognize the problem in the Sderot region.

At the same time, the UJC has had issues of late raising money for the cause.

The organization largely has been rebuffed in its efforts to raise another $13.6 million from local Jewish federations in North America for helping Sderot, Ashkelon and the surrounding cities, said a UJC official.

The UJC approved an allocation for that amount in March to cover additional Sderot programming, then sent a letter from its leadership to the federations making a soft pitch for money. But the federations have been slow to react, according to Jim Lodge, the UJC’s vice president for Israel and overseas issues.

So far, the federations have given roughly $2.25 million, which the UJC has allocated to five projects. Further projects are on hold until the federations come through with more aid.

“I hope they will respond,” Shai told JTA.

Argon, though, sees hope that the Jewish world is starting to pay attention.

"People know more now I think," she said. "I don’t think they really knew what was going on until now."